Excerpt from Beyond the Horizons:
The Lockheed Story
In the Beginning,
There
Were Two Brothers
California has always been the promised land of milk and honey, from the
days of the first Spanish explorers to the unforgettable invasion of the gold
rush miners to the present day. Its green fields and rebounding economy still
beckon--some say too strongly--to people of every nationality.
But, now as then, California can be difficult, the land yielding its bounty
only to those who work it hard, with a living wage from crops being as elusive
as a living wage from the goldfields. One family that would give three men
important to the aviation world would experience that hardness, be tempered by
it, and wrest from California fame and a transient wealth that was savored to
its fullest--while it lasted.
The three men were all sons of a remarkable woman, Flora Haines Loughead.
Born on July 12, 1855, in Wisconsin, at least a century before her time, Flora
was the daughter of John Penly and Mary Haines. Her father had a strong
futuristic bent--as early as the 1860s, he predicted the future dominance of
the automobile--and was probably the source of the mechanical genius later
evidenced by the three Loughead boys. A brilliant individualist with an
insatiable lust for life, Flora graduated from Lincoln University in Illinois
at age seventeen. She was a journalist, married three times, had five children
by two husbands, worked her own mining claims, farmed thirty-five acres, wrote
many articles and more than a dozen books, taught her children at home, and in
general behaved in a manner that would be widely applauded today but was
unheard-of at the time.
She moved to Denver around 1875 and met the architect Charles E. Aponnyi.
They were married in Sacramento that same year. He was an indifferent husband
at best, and she supported herself as a journalist even as she bore Aponnyi a
daughter, May Hope, and two sons, Victor Rudolph and John Haines, who died as
an infant. The marriage ended acrimoniously in divorce in 1883, for Aponnyi had
abused her physically and then deserted her; years later her diaries revealed
how much she had come to loathe him. In 1886 she married John Loughead, who
apparently adopted the children. Loughead was of Scots-Irish descent, the name
indicating that his family lived at the head of a lake. John and Flora had two
sons, Malcolm, born on November 15, 1886, and Allan, born on January 20, 1889.
These children were born in Niles, California, near the Mission San Jose de
Guadalupe, about twenty miles from Oakland. (Inexplicably, Victor chose to
spell his name as Lougheed when, later in life, he followed in his mother's
footsteps and became a writer. Both spellings were pronounced
"Lockheed." To avoid confusion, the more familiar name Lockheed will
be used from this point on, even with aircraft or company designations.)
Flora maintained her interest in mining into her eighties, camping out as
she prospected for opals in mines near the Nevada-California border as late as
the final decade of her long life. Fiercely independent, living alone, she made
a living in her final years in part by sealing as many as three dozen opals in
small, half-round glass paperweights that sold in department stores for up to
five dollars each. Her fascination with prospecting was passed on to her sons
and to her grandchildren. In the course of her life, rich in content and
achievement if not material possessions, she had continued to prospect for husbands
as well; her third was David A. Gutierrez, of whom little is known.
Members of the Lockheed family were and are reticent; while friendly, there
is a familial tendency not to talk about themselves. Perhaps for this reason,
the story of May Hope's life is obscure, and the details of Flora's marriages
are not well known--particularly their dissolutions. The Lockheeds lived in
Santa Barbara, the scene of future successes, until about 1898, and then
returned to the Oakland area for four years. In 1902, Flora moved the
family--sans husband--to a thirty-five-acre ranch near Alma, California, only
about ten miles from the Lockheed Martin Corporation's present Sunnyvale
properties. There she raised grapes as a principal crop, supplemented by prunes
and other fruit typical of the area.
At the turn of the century, making a living on a ranch of this size was
difficult, but Flora was able to draw on her own considerable personal
resources, writing feature articles for area newspapers, including the San
Francisco Chronicle, and for magazines, including Sunset. She also
began a successful book-writing career. In her lifetime she wrote both fiction
and nonfiction, and among her novels were The Man Who Was Guilty, The Black
Curtain, and The Abandoned Claim--the last one a children's book
featuring a girl heroine named "Hope" after her daughter. She also
wrote two standard library reference works, The Libraries of California
and The Dictionary of Given Names; the latter remained in print at least
until 1934. She had a scientific as well as a domestic bent, writing The
Natural Sciences and Quick Cooking, the latter dedicated to
"busy housewives." This indomitable mother of an aviation family died
on January 27, 1943, the apparent victim of heart failure.
Malcolm went to San Francisco in 1904 to work for the local White Steamer
Car distributor, for speed had a visceral appeal for the Lockheed boys.
Malcolm's innate mechanical ability was recognized, and he was soon placed in
charge of testing engines after they had been repaired, a weighty
responsibility for such a young man. At the age of seventeen, Malcolm conceived
of an invention that has affected the future of automobile design, the
hydraulic four-wheel brake. It was a remarkable stroke of genius for someone
who had never had any formal engineering training. Although it took him several
years to perfect the concept, he eventually obtained a patent and created the
Lockheed Hydraulic Brake Company to manufacture his invention. The first
Lockheed four-wheel hydraulic brakes appeared as a seventy-five-dollar optional
equipment item on Chalmers cars in the late fall of 1923 and were adopted as
standard on the brand-new Chrysler line of cars, introduced in January 1924.
Malcolm, wealthy by the standards of the time, and certainly by the
standards of the Lockheed family, sold his company and some fifty-six patents
to the Bendix Corporation in 1932 for a "comfortable sum" said to be
$1 million. Whatever the amount, it was not sufficient to maintain him in
comfort all his life; Bendix extracted much more profit from the invention than
he did. He returned to California, and, ever the optimist, began gold mining
again at his Ilex mine. He lived the last twenty-nine years of his life at
Mokelumne Hill, in Calaveras County, eventually forced to become a welfare
recipient until his death on August 13, 1958. It was a sad end for a great--if
stubbornly independent--inventor and entrepreneur.
His younger brother Allan was not strong as a boy, and Flora tutored him at
home. He never finished grammar school, but received a well-rounded education
from his mother and from reading that complemented his natural mechanical and
engineering skills. It was an unusual upbringing, but one that stood him well
in later life, when he would endure personal shocks as great as the San
Francisco earthquake. At age seventeen, he was ready to follow in Malcolm's
footsteps to seek his fortune.
When Allan arrived in San Francisco in 1906 he had to be content initially
with a job in a hardware store, earning ten dollars a week. In a move that
presaged many of his later business deals--in which love of the job outweighed
monetary considerations--he took a four-dollar-a-week pay cut to work in an
automobile repair shop. The pay cut probably did not bother Allan, whose frugal
tastes reflected Scotch ancestry as his red hair did. A daredevil, he was hired
by an automobile dealer to hurtle upward over the rough bricks in hill-climbing
exhibitions, racing the jaunty "Full Jewel" Corbin automobile.
The three boys--Allan, Malcolm, and Victor--had the natural interest in
aviation possessed by many mechanically inclined people during these early
years of flight, but Victor was the first to participate. The oldest brother
was an intelligent man--a founder member of the Society of Automotive Engineers
and author of Some Trends of Modern Automobile Design. He wrote two
seminal books on aviation. Vehicles of the Air, which appeared first in
1909, was in print for a number of years, and has been reprinted as recently as
1995. The second book, Aeroplane Designing for Amateurs, gave advice to
the many budding aircraft builders around the country and was a harbinger of
today's wildly successful Experimental Aircraft Association.
Victor worked for James E. Plew, a wealthy Chicago distributor of White cars
and trucks, and was sent by Plew to San Francisco to obtain the rights for a
tandem glider design of Professor James F. Montgomery. His idea was to install
an engine and create a salable powered aircraft. This proved not to be
feasible, but Plew had also tasked him to acquire a Curtiss biplane. This was
Curtiss's fourth production aircraft, and was shipped to Plew from the Curtiss
factory in Hammondsport, New York, on November 30, 1909, for four thousand
dollars.
Victor saw to it that Allan was hired to work on the two-aircraft fleet in
Chicago. (Sadly, the previously cozy and supportive relationship of the three
brothers came to an abrupt end in a bitter quarrel that pitted Allan and
Malcolm against Victor. They never reconciled.)
Learning the Hard
Way
It proved impossible even for Allan to put an engine in the Montgomery
glider, however, and he instead concentrated on making the Curtiss pusher
airworthy. In the process, Allan learned how to fly in the same manner that he
later learned to design airplanes: just doing it. He joined a group of fellow
enthusiasts who belonged to the Aero Club of Illinois and had a small flying
field at the intersection of Fifty-second Avenue and Twenty-second Street, next
to a railroad marshaling yard. This was a veritable hotbed of aviation, with
several exotic designs along with the latest aircraft from Wright and Curtiss,
despite the fact that there were no terminals, runways, radios, or landing
lights--the principal piece of equipment was a mower to cut the tall marsh
grass. As might be expected, James Plew was club president.
Allan's first opportunity to fly came when he met George Gates, who had
cobbled together his own version of a Curtiss pusher, modified with a strange
control system in which the midwing ailerons, the rudder, and the elevators
involved separate control movements. Gates had been unable to get the aircraft
off the ground; each time he tried, a wingtip dug in. He solicited Allan's
assistance as copilot to handle the ailerons while he handled the rudder and
elevators.
With rags wrapped around his hands so that the aileron control cables would
not cut him, Allan sat behind the rudder/elevator man and in front of the
pulsating four-cylinder fifty-horsepower engine that Gates had built from automobile
engine parts. They made three or four straightaway hops, and both were vastly
pleased with themselves. The unique control system was never used again,
however.
Allan continued working on Plew's Curtiss biplane, installing a new engine
in it. After Plew's regular pilots failed to get the Curtiss in the air, Allan
spent two full days adjusting the rigging of the aircraft and preparing the
engine to obtain its full thirty-five horsepower.
All the aircraft of this early period were extremely difficult to fly. The
margin between top speed and stalling speed was very small--often as little as
ten miles an hour--and this margin was reduced by a turn. Controls were
relatively insensitive. To change direction or attitude, the pilot had to make
large control movements and then be prepared immediately to return the controls
to neutral to avoid overcorrecting. The concept of stall recovery was largely
unknown even to the most experienced pilots. And, although the aircraft did not
go very high or very fast, a crash was often fatal because the pusher engine
would rip forward from its strut mounting to crush the pilot.
None of this bothered Allan Lockheed, who was certain that his
automobile-racing aptitude would be transferred to flying. On his second
attempt he became fully airborne, and found himself circling tightly to stay
within the confines of the racetrack from which he'd taken off. He landed
successfully in the infield, and later said, "It was partly nerve, partly
confidence and partly damn foolishness. I was now an aviator."
His new status, laden with both prestige and danger, inspired him to marry
his longtime sweetheart from San Francisco, Dorothy Watts, in June 1911. They
had two children, Flora Elizabeth, born in June 1913, and John Allan, born in May
1915. Dorothy passed away in 1922. As persistent in marriage as he would be in
manufacturing, Allan married Evelyn Starr Leslie in 1924. This marriage ended
in divorce. In 1939 he married Helen Kundert; one son was born to this union,
Allan Haines Lockheed Jr. (the family named had been changed legally in 1926).
For Allan, marriage and home life had to take a backseat to the battles
involved in carving out a career in an entirely new, highly speculative, and
terribly risky industry: aviation.
Plew now owned two Curtiss aircraft, and during the early months of 1911,
Allan rebuilt them both. Plew hoped to recoup some of his money by a successful
exhibition season. Allan successfully test-flew one aircraft, but the second
crashed, killing its pilot. It was the last straw for Plew, who sold the
surviving Curtiss and withdrew from flying.
With a total flying time of one and one-half hours, Allan was hired by an
automobile dealer named Sam Dixon as an instructor pilot for the International
Aeroplane Manufacturing Company of Chicago and to fly the "headless pusher
Curtiss" (i.e., no forward elevator). There he met a brilliant
Czechoslovakian named Anthony Stadlman, who had just wielded a hacksaw to
modify a standard pusher into the new configuration. Stadlman would later gain
fame pioneering the concept of a "flying wing" aircraft.
Allan's $25-per-week salary was excellent for the time when a secondhand
Curtiss could be purchased for $1,500. Allan next became an exhibition pilot at
county fairs. This work was so dangerous that pilots received 25 percent of the
gross, which was often guaranteed at $500 per day. To collect, pilots had to
fly for at least five minutes, not an easy task if there was much wind or rain.
Young Lockheed proved to be a natural flier. On one occasion, he took a
brand-new Curtiss up for its first flight. At its conclusion, the managers at
the airfield suspended his flying rights for five days--not because he was
careless, but because he flew too well, and they were afraid that less qualified
people might try to imitate him.
Yet his wife was concerned about the danger, and her arguments prevailed:
Allan quit exhibition flying, and decided to build his own aircraft. The couple
returned to San Francisco, where they were joined by Malcolm.
A Significant Star
The Lockheeds had a no-nonsense approach to life and to engineering. They
had to make a living while building their aircraft, and set to work in their
old professions, Allan feeling no loss of status in changing from intrepid
aviator to auto mechanic. Their concept of a new aircraft was equally
pragmatic. Allan had already had close encounters of a near-fatal kind in
pusher aircraft; he decided immediately that his aircraft would be of the more
modern tractor type, with the engine up front. Both men knew that to make any
money from the aircraft carrying passengers, it would have to carry two
passengers plus the pilot.
In a manner that would be followed often in the later Lockheed Aircraft
Corporation, the two brothers made sketches of several designs, labeling them
from A to G. They selected the last design, and the Lockheed G was conceived as
a very large three-place wood-and-fabric seaplane. Looking not unlike the later
Curtiss JN-4 training planes, it was distinguished by midwing ailerons and the
Breguet control system. The brothers purchased a seventy-horsepower Kirkham
six-cylinder engine equipped with a handsome horseshoe-shaped radiator. Charles
Kirkham would go on to design many excellent engines and a few delightful
airplanes, but this engine was a lemon, splitting its crankcase after a
fifteen-minute run. It was replaced by an eighty-horsepower Curtiss V-8.
The Lockheed G was the essence of simplicity, with wings of a type that
could be "built by the mile and cut off by the foot," simple
rectangular structures with no taper or dihedral. The fuselage used an
economical triangular section (i.e., one longeron and attendant bracing
eliminated) not unlike later Aeronca lightplanes. The single sled-type pontoon
was augmented by stabilizing floats under each wing.
It was the largest seaplane yet built in America, and marginally larger than
the two-place Curtiss Model F pusher flying boats being manufactured in New
York. In Europe, the Sopwith, Short, and A. V. Roe Companies each constructed
biplane seaplanes of similar size to the Model G, but all were two-seaters
designed for the military by far larger, better-financed firms.
Finance loomed large with the Lockheeds, too--it always would. Allan was the
more outgoing of the two brothers, and he was largely responsible for obtaining
backing from the proprietor of the Alco Cab Company, Max Mamlock, who helped
them form the Alco Hydro-Aeroplane Company with a $1,200 investment to
supplement their own $1,800--and their sweat-equity. Other investors
contributed an additional $1,000. Malcolm, more retiring than Allan, took the
lead in the design effort. Neither brother had training as a designer or as a
draftsman. The aircraft was built in a small wooden garage at the corner of
Pacific and Polk Streets near the San Francisco waterfront. They had selected a
seaplane for a number of reasons--a wider choice of landing fields, and, in San
Francisco, proximity to a large, adventuresome boating community that would be
tempted by a chance to fly. There were some disadvantages. A seaplane had to be
strongly built to withstand the often choppy waters of San Francisco Bay, and
this meant a heavier structure. A land plane could suffer a minor accident and
be quietly gathered up for repairs, while a seaplane could have the same
accident and sink beneath the waves.
Much was riding on the venture, for on June 1, 1913, Dorothy gave birth to
Flora. Exactly two weeks later, on June I 5, the Lockheeds trundled the Model G
onto a ramp at the foot of Laguna Street, near Fort Mason. Allan ran the engine
up, bounced down the ramp, taxied out into the bay, and took off--the first
flight of a Lockheed aircraft. Three flights were made, the second carrying
Malcolm and the third with R. L. Coleman of the Alco Cab Company. The last two
flights were twenty-minute tours of the bay, taking in Alcatraz and Sausalito
and delighting the onlookers below in San Francisco. The Model G was not fast,
with a top speed of 63 mph, but it cruised the bay at 51 mph and it was the
only aircraft there to do it.
Later in the year, the Model G was damaged in a landing at a society gala in
San Mateo. It was the last straw for Max Mamlock, who seized the aircraft and
put it in storage. Allan resumed work as an auto mechanic, trying to drum up
the $500 needed for repairs, until Malcolm dragged him off to the Yuba County
goldfields for some more prospecting. With their quickly mined gold, they
planned to redeem the Model G from Mamlock. Like most miners of the time,
however, they made barely enough to live on, and Allan returned to turning
wrenches for a living while Malcolm embarked on a series of adventures. In the
last of these, he went to Mexico, where he served as an adviser to a one-plane
air force. It belonged to General Venustiano Carranza, whose revolutionaries
were fighting the federales of President Victoriano Huerta. Malcolm came
back from Mexico with nothing to show for his efforts but a bullet-ridden Paige
roadster that had served Carranza as a field car. The Paige would be literally
the vehicle for Malcolm's greatest triumph--hydraulic brakes.
The Lockheed luck took a sharp turn for the better in 1915 at the
Panama-Pacific Exposition. With help from Paul Meyer, an Alaskan pioneer who
had made money out of the gold rush, not by mining, but by running a restaurant
and bakery, the two brothers bought the Model G from the Alco Hydro-Aeroplane
Company and refurbished it. Allan put his easygoing personality to work,
talking up the joy of flying on the ramp and inducing people to fly. He was good.
In just fifty days of flying passengers from the Yacht Harbor, they carried six
hundred people at $10 a ride (and as Allan later expressed it "about an
equal number of freeloaders"), grossing $6,000. They bought out their
partner, Meyer, who had done well on his investment, and were able to place
$4,000 in their account. The Model G had set a precedent for future Lockheed
aircraft by earning money.
Back to Mom and
Santa Barbara
Their mother now lived in Santa Barbara, where she worked for the Santa
Barbara Independent, and her boys preoccupation with aviation suited her
own adventuresome soul to a T, as did her two grandchildren.
It was a splendid time. Santa Barbara in 1916 was an idyllic California town
of about sixteen thousand, complete with luxurious tourist magnets like the
famous Hotel Potter, where room rates reached an astronomical $4 a day. The
population was growing rapidly and there were many desirable neighborhoods
where residential building lots could be purchased at prices ranging from $500
to $2,500. Making motion pictures was one of the primary industries, with two
operating studios. Silent-film star Mary Miles Minter, of the Flying A Studio,
was always available for publicity shots of activities at the factory. (Film
fans will remember her performances in Dimples and Anne of Green
Gables--or possibly her involvement in the still-unsolved murder of her
lover, film director William Desmond Taylor.)
The one area of the city with which the Santa Barbara city fathers were not
too pleased was State Street, which had become an ugly mishmash of small town
architecture, much of it unsightly and dilapidated. Nonetheless, the Lockheed
brothers found the neighborhood prices just right, and established the Loughead
Aircraft Manufacturing Company in the rear of William L. Rust's garage at 101
State Street, only three blocks from the waterfront.
This time, their plans were a little more ambitious, and they sought both
financial and engineering help. In both instances they found remarkable
success. Alvin Oviatt, an "Akron oilcloth king" who lived in an
estate in Montecito, one of the posher neighborhoods, provided most of the
financing, along with a local physician, Dr. W. P. Lindley, and sales manager
James A. Farra. Burton Robert Rodman, a successful machine-shop and
auto-rental-service owner, also backed the brothers and became the president of
the firm. Allan was vice president, while Malcolm was secretary-treasurer.
By now a faithful old soldier, the Model G set some records, including the
first flight to Pelican Bay in the islands across the Santa Barbara Channel.
More important, it continued to generate income, carrying passengers at five
dollars each for a ride over the Channel Islands, and doing film work for the
local motion picture studios. The Model G would continue to earn its keep
through 1918, when it would be broken up and its engine sold. It was almost
certainly the most profitable flying boat of the era, establishing a rate of
return on investment that would be difficult to duplicate in the future.
Yet the Lockheed brothers had an even more ambitious aircraft in mind, a
twin-engine flying boat capable of carrying ten people, including the pilot.
Their reasoning was simple: if the three-seat Model G could make money, a
ten-seat aircraft would be even more profitable.
One day, as the small group labored on their new project, they noticed a
young man walking back and forth, hesitating as if summoning enough nerve to enter.
He finally came in and was greeted warmly by the Lockheeds, whom he later
recalled as "pleasant people, easy to contact and become acquainted
with." Hired on the spot to begin one of the most fruitful aviation
careers in history, he was John Knudsen Northrop, a fair-haired, reticent young
man who, with excellent high school training, proved to be a superb engineer.
In a 1974 interview with historian Gerald Balzer, Northrop said that he
"drew up the wing truss structure, designed and stress analyzed it and did
every bit of the drawing including three-view drawings and all the detail
fitting drawings and parts that were necessary for the airplane." His
stated ability to do one of the rarest, most difficult, and most necessary of
aviation tasks at the time, stress analysis, is most unusual. Stress analysis
was not then (and of course is not now) taught in high schools, and requires a
knowledge of calculus, also not a high school subject.
Northrop would go on to a brilliant career with Douglas Aircraft and the
later Lockheed Aircraft Corporation, and often did freelance work for other
companies. He eventually headed his own company, and would become forever
identified with the flying wing. In later years, Northrop's fame for what he
accomplished with the flying wing would be of grievous concern to his colleague
Stadlman, who had conceived of the flying-wing concept himself, and went to his
grave believing that Northrop had gained the fame that was due him.
Northrop designed and helped build the hull and wings of the new aircraft,
which was designated the F-1. With a seventy-four-foot-span upper and
forty-seven-foot-span lower wing, the F-1 was equipped with two 150-horsepower
Hall Scott A-5a engines, another California product. The F-1's design was
distinctive, having twin booms and a triple tail.
Norman S. Hall, advertising and sales promotion manager for the firm, had a
keen sense of the value of publicity. A news release was issued when the keel
of the F-1 was laid in 1916. Before the United States entered the war, both
Malcolm and Allan publicly volunteered their aircraft plant and personal
services to the government "in event of trouble with any foreign
power." They even threw in their secret new method of rustproofing the
metal parts of seaplanes, probably the most valuable offer they could make.
Hall saw that their offer got wide coverage. The war reached out to touch them
in other ways--John Northrop became a private in the Signal Corps.
After the United States entered the war on April 6, 1917, Allan went to
Washington to get a contract for the mass production of the F-1. He was able to
impress the legendary Jerome Hunsaker, then a lieutenant commander running the
Aircraft Engineering section, and managed to come home with a promise of a
contract to build two single-engine Curtiss HS-2L flying boats and the
agreement of the navy to test the F-1. It was the start of the always
bittersweet relationship between industry and government. On the strength of
the contract, Allan took two crucial personnel actions. He hired Tony Stadlman
as factory superintendent and was able to secure Northrop's release from his
$21-per-month job in the Signal Corps to return to Santa Barbara and a $1,800
annual salary.
The Lockheeds hoped to get big navy production contracts for their own
aircraft, but work was slow, and the F-1 did not make its first flight until
January 1918. Its performance was remarkable, being able to carry a useful load
of 3,100 pounds. It seemed obvious to Allan and Malcolm that, once the F-1 was
tested, the navy would buy it in quantity.
Norman Hall brought off a most sensational Lockheed public affairs triumph
in the formal public "rollout" ceremony of the new aircraft. On March
28, 1918, a massive celebration was held at the launching ramp on West Beach
between Bath and Castillo Streets as the F-1 was placed on view before a crowd
of thousands lining the beach and boulevard, with speeches by Santa Barbara's
mayor, H. T. Nielson, prayers by a minister, and a christening by the
ubiquitous Mary Miles Minter (with a wine bottle filled with water in deference
to the no-alcohol ruling of Josephus Daniels, the secretary of the navy). As a
coup de theatre, nine white pigeons were released; they circled the aircraft
quickly and then landed on its nearly nine-foot-long propellers.
Despite the hoopla--perhaps campy now, but then touching in its patriotic
sincerity--the F-1 was ready for action, proving it in a record-setting
delivery flight to the navy in San Diego on April 12, 1918, flying the 211-mile
distance nonstop in 181 minutes. Allan, Malcolm, and Carl E. Christoffersen
were on board; the last named made sandwiches for the group on the flight down,
and so rates a mention as perhaps the first flight attendant in history.
The Lockheeds demonstrated another probable industry first, and an
exceedingly advanced technique for the time: an aerial test bed for flight
controls. The F-1 was fitted with the Deperdussin control system, which the
armed services had standardized in August 1916. (It is the type still used
today, with pedals to operate the rudders and a central stick or wheel to
control the ailerons and elevators.) Allan was by now most familiar with the
Breguet system used on the Model G. To prepare himself for the F- 1, he
modified the controls on the Model G to conform to the Deperdussin system, and
then practiced flying it.
While the navy tested the F-1, the company was humming, employing
eighty-five men on a seven-day workweek. It did an excellent job turning out
the two Curtiss flying boats, which were later praised by the navy for the
quality of their fit and finish.
The average price for all 1,117 HS-2Ls delivered to the government was about
$30,000; the larger firms like Curtiss, which produced 675 of the airplanes,
naturally had a learning curve that permitted production economies. The
Lockheed contract for 2 aircraft was for $90,000, and they still lost about
$5,000 on the cost-plus-12.5 percent contract, for they expended funds
experimenting with ways to improve the aircraft, for which the government felt
no need for reimbursement.
When they realized that no production contract for the F-1 would be
forthcoming, the Lockheed brothers determined to convert the flying boat to a
land plane and make a sensational transcontinental flight to Washington, D.C.
Jack Northrop supervised the conversion, which cost almost $10,000. One of his
engineering techniques was to place redesigned parts in a large glass tube,
then have cigar smoke blown in at one end, so that he could determine the
airflow patterns.
His results were good; the top speed of the modified aircraft, now called
the F-1A, was increased by 10 mph. Two pilots, Aaron R. "Bob" Ferneau
and Orvar S. T. "Swede" Meyerhoffer, were tasked for the trip, along
with a mechanic, Leo G. Flint. Meyerhoffer was reputed to be able to swear in
seven languages, and he had the opportunity to use them all. With flashguns
popping, they took off from what is now a factory site in Goleta, California,
on the morning of November 23, 1918, but were forced to land six hours and ten
minutes later at Tacna, Arizona, when an engine rocker arm gave way. The part
was replaced, but a precautionary landing was made at Gila Bend to refuel. On
takeoff, the F-1A again lost an engine and crashed into a riverbed, severely
injuring Meyerhoffer and Flint. Luckily the aircraft did not burn, but Flint's
life hung in the balance for three days. The letter they had been carrying from
Miss Minter to President Woodrow Wilson was never delivered.
The plane was brought back to California and rebuilt to its original
flying-boat configuration, and was used for carrying passengers and film work
again. The latter was especially profitable, as the Lockheeds charged $150 an
hour for flight time and $50 an hour for standby time. The F-1 had a brief moment
of fame in October, when the State Department chartered the aircraft to give
King Albert and Queen Elizabeth of Belgium a flight to the Channel Islands. The
flight was successful, and Allan and Malcolm were awarded the Belgian Order of
the Golden Crown.
This was almost the end of the flight path for the F-1, which was sold to
another group to start a charter service to Catalina Island. The venture never
materialized, and the F-1, a remarkable aircraft, was left to rot on the beach
at Santa Barbara.
Malcolm was beginning to tire of aviation, for he had perfected his
four-wheel hydraulic brakes on the Paige car he'd brought back from Mexico and
extensively rebuilt. He tested the Paige on Santa Barbara's streets, boasting
that he could "stop the car on a dime and have a nickel change left
over." He proved it by roaring into a storage garage at 35 mph and
screeching to a halt just before he crashed into the wall. His old fascination
with automobiles had returned, but there would be one more venture with aircraft
at Santa Barbara before he took his invention east.
The Lockheed S-1:
A Look into the Future
Timing is everything. The F-1 came a little too late to find its way into
the navy production scheme. The Loughead Aircraft Manufacturing Company's
next--and last--airplane, the S-1, would come too soon after the war ended,
with its merits submerged in the flood of war surplus aircraft that deluged the
marketplace. Yet the S-1 was revolutionary in many ways, not least of which was
the spirit in which its principals approached their task.
On July 28, 1919, Allan and Malcolm Lockheed, John Northrop, and Anthony
Stadlman signed a lengthy formal agreement. They promised to share in all
patents and inventions connected with aviation developed by any of them, and by
majority vote, determine which patents and inventions would be developed. As
the men involved had produced only four airplanes over a six-year period, the
paper spoke volumes for their appreciation of one another and for their
expectations of the future.
And for them, the future was the still undiscovered holy grail of
aviation--"everyman's airplane." They wanted to create a safe,
simple, inexpensive aircraft that would be the aeronautical equivalent of the
Ford Model T. They arrived at a new method of construction that would produce a
streamlined aircraft of great strength at low cost, when manufactured in
quantity.
The Lockheeds developed a fuselage with monocoque (single-shell)
construction, in which the structural strength stemmed from the outside skin
rather than internal bracing. They used a concrete mold of the S-1 fuselage's
desired size and shape, and laid up a shell using three layers of spruce
plywood strips, all well laced with casein glue. Long discussions were held on
the best way to apply a uniform pressure to the plywood so that it would cure
properly, and without any weak spots caused by entrapped air. Stadlman was a
proponent of applying pressure by means of an air bag, and his argument carried
the day. The wood was pressed against the form by an air bag, which was held,
in turn, by a cover bolted to the mold's framework. The rubber bag was
inflated, placing a uniform pressure of fifteen to twenty pounds per square
inch on the plywood strips for twenty-four hours, until the plywood shell had
cured. Two such shells could then be assembled around a lightweight frame
structure of formers and stringers to form a strong, lightweight, highly
streamlined fuselage. The other three partners assisted in the development of
Allan's idea, which would prove to be valuable only seven years later. Allan
had preferred a circular fuselage, but Northrop held out for an elliptical
shape as more efficient.
Northrop had turned to nature in the design of the wings, dumping bread near
the waterfront, and studying the way gulls managed low-speed flight. The result
was a lower wing designed so that it could be turned to a vertical position to
act as an air brake. The lower wings were also differentially operated so that
they eliminated the need for conventional ailerons. The rest of the S-1 was
fairly conventional, with strut-braced biplane wings that could be folded
parallel to the fuselage side, so that it could be easily towed or stored. The
shape of the rudder and vertical surface would reappear, with the method of
building the fuselage, on the later Lockheed Vega.
The depth of the group's talent was displayed in its reaction to the news
that the S-1's planned Green engine from England was not going to be available.
They simply designed and built a water-cooled, two-cylinder, horizontally
opposed four-cycle, valve-in-head power plant of twenty-five horsepower. Called
the XL-1 Aircraft Motor, it featured twin magnetos (unusual for the time) and
two high-pressure oil pumps, yet weighed only 90 pounds. The compact engine fit
within the S-1 s streamlined fuselage, with only the cylinder heads protruding.
The radiator was neatly faired into the bottom of the fuselage.
The aircraft's performance was exactly on the mark. With an upper wingspan
of 28 feet and a lower wingspan of 24 feet, it weighed only 375 pounds empty,
and 600 pounds fully loaded. Although the top speed was only 70 mph, it could
cruise at 52 mph, and had a stall speed of 25 mph. Strongly built, it was
stressed for 6 gs. Fuel consumption was only one gallon per hour, remarkable
for the time.
Allan had grown wary of test-flying his own products, and hired a veteran
airmail and test pilot, Gilbert George Budwig, to test the S-1. Budwig reported
that the S-1 was exceptionally pleasant to fly. The tiny little aircraft landed
so slowly that rotating the lower wing to be an air brake would rarely be
required.
Yet it transpired that not only did "everyman" not want an
airplane, but those who did could find plenty of war surplus JN-4s for $350 or
less. The S-1 was far more economical to operate but its initial price of
$2,500 made it impossible to sell.
The firm had spent almost $30,000 in creating the S-1, and found absolutely
no buyers. The lure of the four-wheel brake was too much for Malcolm, who took
his invention east to Detroit, where he founded the Lockheed Hydraulic Brake
Company. Allan worked as the California distributor for the brakes, and also
sold real estate. Jack Northrop moved to Santa Monica, where he worked for
Donald Douglas, and, among other things, designed the fuel system for the
Douglas World Cruisers of 1924, the first airplanes to fly around the world.
Stadlman found other work, biding his time for Allan to come up with a new
venture.
The only tangible part of the S-1 that remains today is its engine, owned by
Monte and Patricia Groves of Sunnyvale, California. The intangible remains of
the S-1 are enormous. It led in just seven years to the formation of the
Lockheed Aircraft Company. Its most important feature, the molded plywood
fuselage, would be found on the record-breaking aircraft in one of the most
exciting periods of aviation.
--From Beyond
the Horizons: The Lockheed Story, by Walter J. Boyne. © December 1,
1998 , St Martins Pr used by permission.